F 




Class. 



Book-ikL 



ADDEESS 



ON 



NEW HAMPSHIRE 



AND 



VERMONT: 



THEIR UNIONS, 
SECESSIONS AND DISUNIONS. 



DELIVERED BEFORE 

Yl)e Xtnv ftan)psl\ife Aiitiquki'iaii Sodety, 

JULY15, 1879. 



By CLARK JILT^SON. 



WORCESTER : 

PRESS OF CLARK JILLSOM. 

1882. 



ADDEESS. 

\\T^ STAND before the hours, crowded to the 
' ' front and into the future by the lapse of time. 
The last decade has taken its position behind us, 
and the generations have thus been carried to a 
point one hundred years beyond the grand historic 
period of the Western Empire. 

One hundred years ago this very hour, "Mad An- 
thony Wayne," the hero of Stony Point, was mar- 
shalling his troops for that memorable assault; and 
when he was wounded, the thrilling order he gave, 
"March on ; carrj- me into the fort, and let me die 
at the head of the column," together with the ac- 
count of the intrepid manner in which Col. Fleury 
struck the British standard with his own hand, and 
the words of Major Posey, "The Fort's our own," ran 
beyond the lines and through the Colonies like the 
echoes of inspiration. But the full account of this 
tragic event has not l)een preserved by tradition 
alone. Unlike hundreds of other remarkable occur- 
rences during the revolutionary period, it found its 



way into written history, and is now known as one 
of the most daring exploits of the war. 

Tradition is too fickle for practical use, always 
taking from or adding to the real fact; and what 
we thus gather in relation to any past event is only 
worthy to be called a story, unless it can be traced 
to some well authenticated record, made at or about 
the time it occurred. The nearer worthless we can 
make tradition in its application to the future, the 
more complete will be the knowledge of coming 
generations in relation to what is now transpiring; 
and among the many duties we are under obliga- 
tions to perform, that of making and preserving 
authentic history is one of the most important and 
imperative. The neglect of such duty by one man, 
may, in time to come, involve a nation in doubt, 
and make future generations busy with unsatisfacto- 
ry research for hundreds of years. Against such 
omissions the world has been struggling through all 
the historic past; and while I speak to-day there 
are hundreds of men in New England engaged in 
experimental labor upon which they are employing 
the best mental efibrts of their life's prime, uncon- 
scious ot the fact that they are spending their time 
on the hundredth edition of the same work. 

More than half of our inventors are now studying 
upon what has been or will be rejected matter, for 
the reason that they have no adequate facilities for 
finding out what other minds have accomplished, 
hence the same thing will be invented over and over 



3 

again without any {jcrceptible change, even of form. 

It has been (lainied by some that too much is 
already being written and printed; and when the 
recent proposition for an enhirgement of the rooms 
containing the Congressional Library at Washington 
was being discussed, a certain newspaper in Massa- 
chusetts advocated burning the books in preference 
to furnishing more room! It is true that worthless 
books, so called, are not extremely rare, and jet it 
requires a sublime stupidity to make a book of no 
present or future value. The solitary fact that a 
book has been printed is worthy of preservation. 
If it contains but a single word bearing a new rela- 
tion to any other, it ought to be preserved ; and the 
man who advocates the burning of books would be 
inconsistent in opposing his own cremation. 

Things of little apparent consequence to-day are 
liable to beconie famous to-morrow, and after it is 
too late comes the struggle for a knowledge of their 
early history. 

When Christopher Columbus was wandering over 
the countries of Europe, begging for royal patronage 
to assist in carrying forward an enterprise that ex- 
isted only in his own brain, in the form of a vision, 
there appeared no friendl}' hand to record his plead- 
ings. It was considensd enough for posterity to 
know tli;it he had been refused and placed on the 
beggar's list. When he finally succeeded in present- 
ing his claim to the Court of Spain, it was referred 
to a commission who reported after a delay of about 



seven years, th.at the project of Columbus was "vain 
and impossible." Had all his plans been thus de- 
feated, the discovery of the new world might have 
been delayed for a century. It was then that the 
destinies of America hung in a balance. 

The manner in which Columbus presented his 
cause to the commissioners is unknown. The his- 
tory of their deliberations within the decorated walls 
and under the frescoed arches of the Alhambra, 
where the future of a great Republic was dimly out- 
lined four hundred years ago, has not been written. 
The original plan of his then intended voyage to- 
ward the setting sun has been lost. The words he 
uttered to the Queen on his return to Granada, in 
obedience to her summons, after he had been refused 
a further hearing by Ferdinand, at which time she 
pledged to him the jewels of her own crown of Cas- 
tile, were known only to her and to him, and con- 
sidered unworthy of record ; but the corner stone of 
an empire, now one of the great powers of eartli, 
was then and there laid. 

Doctor Franklin, with all his sagacity and fore- 
sight, did not comprehend the importance of his 
own rude experiments with electricity, nor even 
dream that the thread connecting his door key with 
a kite, was in the least degree suggestive of the iron 
cord yet to span the globe from continent to conti- 
nent, passing under the sea, transmitting its pulsa- 
tions of thought around the world. 

When Capt. Samuel Morey was experimenting 



with his newly invented Steamboat upon the waters 
of New Hani})shiie and Vermont, in 1792, he evi- 
dently did not eomprehend that the culmination of 
his thought, wrought out and perfected by other 
hands, would at some future time revolutionize the 
commerce of all the nations on the earth. 

Those three joung men who assembled in the 
town of Ilopkinton, N. 11., on the lOtli day of Nov., 
1859, and organized themselves into the Philo- 
mathic Club, which they resolved should never 
contain more than seven members, nor cease to ex- 
ist except by the unanimous consent of the last one 
living, may well be reminded that 

"■Tall oaks froin little acorns 2;ro\v," 

and that the creed of a modern prophet needs fre- 
quent revision. Out of that humble beginning has 
sprung jour Societj^, with its rare and valuable 
library, its extensive collection of relics and curiosi- 
ties. Through its inliuence j^ersons of similar tastes 
have been brought together, and their elforts com- 
bined in a common cause for the public good ; and 
you are now making history from year to year 
about which there will be no dispute or misunder- 
standing in the future. You have been so fortunate 
as to i^reserve a record of your early work, and pos- 
terity will thank you for handing it down to them. 
I have thus called your attention to these several 
cases for the purpose of intimating that any impor- 
tant historical event, growing out of a multitude of 



minor unrecorded occurrences, cannot easily be 
traced to any well defined cause. 

Nearly all historical matter relating to the early 
settlement of New England is of such a general 
character as to make it next to impossible to give a 
connected account of any important event without 
taxing the imagination to supply some of its details. 
The little incidents that go to make up a symmetrical 
statement have generally been lost by reason of the 
failure to make their record at the time they occur- 
red, and the whole transaction, presented in general 
terms, is often vague, uninteresting, and not easily 
comprehended. 

The controversy between New York and New 
Hampshire in relation to the territory now known 
as Vermont, covering a period of about forty years, 
has come down to us in a great measure tln-ough 
the uncertain channels of tradition ; but there has 
been enough j^i'eserved and authenticated from 
which to present a general view of the main trans- 
actions during that eventful period. The lesser de- 
tails constituting the cause of this long and bitter 
contest, were evidently so numerous and obscure, 
passing so rapidlj" without being recorded, as to 
make the statement of an aggregate made up from 
them exceedingly difficult, and render conclusions 
drawn therefrom vague and uncertain. Upon look- 
ing over the field with some care, I am obliged to 
conclude that each and every person who makes an 
investigation of this subject will be obliged to attri- 



biite the result to such causes as his judgment shall 
dictate, from the Tew tacts that have been preserved 
in history. 

In treatino- the subject under consideration, I am 
obliged to omit any detailed statement relating to 
the condition of New Hampshire in early times. 

The civil and ecclesiastical difficulties of the three 
governments of Dover, Exeter and Portsmouth — 
their union with Massachusetts in 1642 — their sepa- 
ration in 1G80, and their organization as a govern- 
ment with John Cutt for President — the subsequent 
administrations of Walter Barefoot and Edward 
Cranfield — their reunion with Massachusetts in 1686 
under the presidency of Joseph Dudley, of Edmund 
Andros in 1687, of Simon Bradstreet in 1689 — their 
return to a separate government in 1692, in which 
position they remained for a period of ten years, 
under Usher, Partridge and Allen — the re-appoint- 
ment of Dudlev, and their third union with Massa- 
chusetts in 1702, and from that time up to the ad- 
ve)it of Benning Wentworth in 1741 — must be passed 
over without further remark. 

On the third day of July, 1741, Benning Went- 
worth was made Governor of the Province of New 
Hampshire, the southern boundary- of which was by 
a line running paralel with the Merrimack River, 
three miles north thereof, till it reached a point due 
north of Pawtucket Falls; thence by a straight line 
due west "until it meets with his majesty's other 
governments." This language was construed b}^ 



8 

Governor Wentworth to mean that the southerly 
line of New Hampshire extended as far west as that 
of the two Charter governments, Connecticut and 
Massachusetts Bay, each of which had exercised 
jurisdiction to within twenty miles of Hudson's 
River. By this appointment the union between 
New Hampshire and Massachusetts was again dis- 
solved, and each Colony was left under the shadow 
of its own destiny. 

On the 17th day of November, 1749, Governor 
Wentworth addressed a letter to Governor Clinton 
of New York, for the purpose of giving notice that 
he proposed to issue grants covering territory west 
of the Connecticut River ; and also asking his ex- 
cellency to state how far north of Albany the Gov- 
ernment of New York extended by his Majesty's 
commissions, and how many miles to the eastward 
of Hudson's River. This letter was jDresented by 
Governor Clinton to the Council of New York, and 
thereupon the following order was adopted : 

In Council JYeit' York 3d .'ijjril 1750. 
Ordered, That his Excellency do acquaint Governor Went- 
worth that this Province is bounded eastward by Connecticut 
River, the Letters Patent from King Charles the second to the 
Duke of York expressly- granting all the lands from the west 
side of Connecticut River to the east side of Delaware Bay. 

Before a coi:)y of this order reached Governor 
Wentworth he had granted one township, six miles 
square, twenty-four miles easterly from Albany, and 
six miles north of Massachusetts line, presuming 



that New ILiinpshire was bounded by the same 
north and south line as Connecticut and Massaciiu- 
setts Bay. 

It will be seen that here was ample room for strife, 
as the Governor of New Hampshire had put the seal 
of liis jurisdiction upon territory 40 miles west of 
where the Council of New York had declared the 
line between the two governments to be ; and he 
had also paid deference to his own name by calling 
the newly granted township Bennington. 

After some correspondence the two governors 
agreed to make a representation of the whole mat- 
ter in dispute to his Majesty, which agreement was 
contirmed by his Majesty's Councils on the ^''^^y^ of 
both governments. Richard Bradley Esq., Attor- 
ney General of New York, to whom the matter had 
been referred, gave an elaborate written opinion, 
wherein he recited the provisions of the Charter of 
Massachusetts Bay, and concluded by affirming that 
Connecticut River was the eastern boundary of the 
Colony of New York. Whoever throws away time 
enough to read the Attorney General's statement 
will surely discover in it a few weak points. The 
Surveyor General came to the rescue, and made 
certain suggestions which he thought proper to have 
added to the Attorney General's report. The Soli- 
citor General made some discoveries, claiming that 
10,000 acres of land, situated on the west side of 
Connecticut River which had been purchased by 
private persons from the government of Connecticut, 



10 

the same being lands laid out by the government of 
Massachusetts Bay and exchanged for other lands 
held by Connecticut, had become a part of New 
Hampshire. 

On the 28th day of December, 1763, Lieut. Gov. 
Golden issued a proclamation in accordance with 
the Attorney General's report, wherein he enjoined 
the High Sheriff of the county of Albany to return 
to him the names of all persons holding possession 
of nuy lands west of Connecticut River, under the 
grants of the government of New Hampshire, so that 
they might be proceeded against according to law. 
On the 13th day of March, 1764, Gov. Wentworth 
issued a proclamation in answer to that of Lieut. 
Gov. Colden, wherein he claimed that the Patent to 
the Duke of York was obsolete, and commanded all 
civil officers within his province, and all the inhabi- 
tants thereof to exercise jurisdiction as far westward 
as his grants had been made, and to deal with all 
persons who might presume to interrupt, "as law 
and justice doth apjDcrtain, notwithstanding the pre- 
tended right of jurisdiction mentioned in the procla- 
mation" of Lieut. Gov. Colden. 

The inhabitants occu^Dying the territory' over 
which Gov. Wentworth proposed to exercise juris- 
diction were not of one opinion in relation to the 
rights claimed by New York and New Hampshire 
respectively ; and there was considerable feeling 
manifest on both sides. The decision of this matter, 



11 

tliereforc, was to ho one that would not hu sanction- 
ed by all parties, j)eihaj)s not l)y a majority. 

The north and south line between New Hampshire 
and what was chiimed to be New York, as estab- 
lished by the original grant to John Mason, com- 
menced at a point on the line between New Hamp- 
shire and Massachusetts, sixty miles from the sea, 
which left quite an extensive territory between that 
and Connecticut River. If the decision should be 
in favor of Gov. Wentworth, some might claim that 
New Hampshire ought not to exercise its jurisdiction 
over the lands easterly from the river and westerly 
t'roni the line defined by the grant to Mason. If the 
decision should be in favor of New York this same 
tract of land would still be left as a bone of conten- 
tion, and the inhabitants of the territory in dispute 
might desire to divide, the easterly- half going over 
to New Hampshire, and the westerly- to New York, 
or the whole might unite and form a new State. 

With all these contingencies pending, the appli- 
cation had I)een made, and great anxiety was felt in 
relation to the result. Governor Wentworth had 
issued one hundred and thirty-eight grants, and a 
large number, in some cases covering the same ter- 
ritory, had been granted to New York. 

At the court of St. James, on the 20th da.y of 
July, 17(54. it was declared that "the western banks 
of the river Connecticut, from where it enters the 
Province of Massachusetts Bay, as far North as the 
forty-lifth degree of North Latitude, to be the 



12 

boundary line between New Hcampshire and New^ 
York." This decision was not very objectionable to 
the government of New Hampshire or its people 
outside of the New Hampshire grants, it being con- 
sidered only a change of jurisdiction ; and if the 
land titles had been left undisturbed there would 
have been no further controversy between New 
Hampshire and New York. 

But when the authorities of New York decided 
that the New Hampshire grants were null and ahvays 
had been, and that the settlers would be compelled 
to re-purchase their lands or be ejected therefrom, 
a spirit of resentment arose among the pioneer set- 
tlers of the New Hampshire grants that could not 
be allayed short of revolution. The magnificent 
blunder of Charles the second in granting to the 
Duke of York, in 1G64, all the lands from the w^est 
side of Connecticut River to the east side of Dela- 
ware Bay, without any reference to the charter of 
Massachusetts Bay, granted in 1629, or that of Con- 
necticut granted in 1662, became a^Dparent to the 
settlers, and they were led to question the validity 
of the grant under which the New York officials 
were beginning to proceed against them. 

Within a month from the time of the passage of 
the royal decree establishing the eastern boundary 
of New York, Sheriff Schuyler found it necessarj^ to 
appeal to the Commander-in-chief in a case where 
he claimed that a citizen of "Hoseck" had been 
ejected from his lands and tenements, and compelled 



13 

to sillier other wrongs at the hands of the New 
Hampshire })eoi)le. In eonsecjiience of this, the said 
Sheriff arrested four persons and committed them to 
jail in Albnny. This ^vas the New York version; 
but Gov. Wentwortli in his letter to Lieut. Gov. 
Golden, claimed tliat ''several of the inhabitnnts of 
Pownal, at a time when the Deputy Sheriff was ex- 
ecuting a legal precept, were set upon by the Sher- 
iff of Albany and more than thirty armed men on 
horseback, and that the Deputy Sheriff with the 
three other principal inhabitants, were seized upon 
11 nd carried to Albany, where they were immedi- 
ately coinniitted to jail." 

Whatever might have been the original provoca- 
tion in this case, whether trifling or otherwise, an 
eilbrt was made, probably on both sides, to adjust it 
by resorting to violence. False imprisonment to- 
gether with the "Eeech Seal" were frequently ap- 
pealed to in the settlement of similar cases. 

But at this })eriod there were tw^o parties residing 
upon the territory now^ Vermont, one being favor- 
able to New York and the other an ally of New 
Hampshire, without any marked opposition to each 
otlier ; but none of them knew or cared for any law 
except the individual code, dictated by individual 
conscience ; and never was a connnunity better or- 
irani/.ed for a reiirn of terror than were these dis- 
contented pioneers. 

For the better administration oi justice, and the 
convenience of the settlers, three petitions were 



14 

presented to Lieut. Gov. Golden, in 1765, praying 
that several counties might be erected covering ter- 
ritory occupied by the New Hampshire grants. One 
of these petitions represented that one murder had 
been committed "^and one man more missing, that 
is supposed to be murdered by the same Villin, and 
that unless there be a county made as prayed for, 
instead of good wholesome Inhabitants comeing and 
Settling amongst us, the land wall be filled with 
nothing, but Villins and Murderers." 

These petitions were read in council and referred 
to a committee who reported on the twenty-second 
day of October, 1705, that the inhabitants had "as 
yet only an Equitable Title to the lands they pos- 
sess ; are utterly unacquainted with the laws of the 
Province, and the modes of dispensing Justice there- 
in," and recommended the apiDointment of "a num- 
ber of fit persons for the conservation of the Peace 
and the administration of Justice." 

This was not a very Mattering state ot affairs to 
be contemplated by those who had bought and paid 
for their lands ; nor was it much of a compliment 
to the men fresh from Massachusetts and Gonnecti- 
cut, to be told that they were incapable of self 
government. 

Four counties were established and the "Cit per- 
sons" appointed, but submission to their dictation 
was never made complete. The settlers finally 
concluded to resist the authority of New York, and 
Samuel Robinson of Bennington was appointed to 



15 

represent them at the eourt of Great Britain and 
obtain, it' i)ossil)le, a conlirniation ol'lhe New Hamp- 
shire grants, and his Majesty was indueed to issue a 
special order tor the purpose of proliibiting the Gov- 
ernor of New York from making future grants till 
his Majesty' could further consider the whole matter. 

No heed was paid to this order, but further grants 
were made, and fresh writs of ejectment were con- 
stantly being issued. Up to this time, and still later, 
most of the controversy had been carried on by per- 
sons residing west of the Green Mountains. 

About this time a convention was held at Ben- 
nington wherein the delegates resolved to maintain 
their rights under the New Hampshire grants hy 
force. Thereui)on a military association was organ- 
ized, with Ethan Allen for commander. The militia 
Nvere called out by the Governor of New York to 
assist the Sherilf, but their sympathy seemed to be 
with the people to such an extent as to destroy all 
dicipline, and tlie appearance of Allen's troops 
caused them to disband. The next otficial display 
was in the form of a proclamation, issued by the 
Governor of New York, oflering a reward of .£150 
for the arrest of Ethan Allen, and £50 each for Seth 
Warner and several others. On the other hand a 
proclamation was issued oflering <£5 for the Attor- 
ney General of the Colony of New York. 

In l?72, the Governor of New York made an 
attempt to settle the controversy, and for that pur- 
pose opened correspondence with the Rev. Mr. Dew- 



16 

ey of Bennington, and some others, signifying his 
willingness to confer with any person or persons 
the opposite party might choose, except Allen, War- 
ner and three others. Capt. Stephen Fay and Mr. 
Jarias Fay were appointed to confer with the Gov- 
ernor ; but this attempt at diplomacy failed for the 
reason that the Green Mountain Boys undertook to 
try their hand at the ejectment process while these 
negotiations were pending, which resulted in the 
abandonment of the whole scheme. 

In the mean time the hostile condition of those 
occupying the New Hampshire grants became more 
and more alarming. Committees of safety were ap- 
pointed in the several towns, and they were in con- 
stant communication for the purpose of devising the 
best means of common defence. The inhabitants 
were forbidden the acceptance of the honors of office 
under the Colony fo New York, on the pain of being 
"viewed." These "views" generally resulted in a 
liberal application of the "beech seal," vigorously 
laid upon the naked backs of the "yorkers." 

The inhabitants of the "grants" were peculiar in 
many respects. Their laws, their manner of trial, 
their penalties and methods of punishment, were all 
vested in the Committee of Safetj^, and no person 
was allowed to escape on technicalities. Benjamin 
Hough was one of the King's Justices, under the 
authority of New York, and undertook to act in that 
capacity within the limits of the New Hampshire 
grants. He was brought before the Committee at 



17 

Sinuloi'huul, wlicri' \\v })lc;i(k'(l tlic jiii'isdiction of New 
York ; but the (liven Moiint;iiii Boys considered the 
decree of tlie convention, foi'hidding till persons from 
holding otfice, civil or military, under the Colony of 
New York, to be supreme, and passed the following 
sentence, which they pi'oceeded to execute Avithout 
giving time for spiritual advice or repentance: 

"That the prisoner be taken from the bar of this 
committee of safety and l)e tied to a tree, and there, 
on his naked back, to receive one hundred stripes ; 
his back being dressed, he should depart out of the 
the district, and on return, to suffer death, unless by 
special leave of the committee." 

In another case, a person who had advised the 
settlers to submit to tlie authority of New York, 
after disregarding the warning of the committee, was 
arrested and carried to the Green Mountain Tavern 
in Bennington, where his defence was patiently 
heard, and then he was ordered "to be tied in an 
arm chair and hoisted to the sign, and there to hang 
two hours in sight of tlie people, as a punishment 
merited by his enmity to the rights and liberties of 
the inhabitants of the New Hampshire Grants." 

The sign to which he was raised consisted of a 
post twenty-five feet high, with a sign-board at the 
to}), upon which stood a stuffed catamount's skin 
facing New York, with a ferocious countenance. 
This Inn was ever after known as "Catamount Tav- 
ern" and was standing in 18G9, but has since been 
destroyed by fire. Near this spot David liedding 



18 

was hanged, June 1777, for "inimical conduct." 

The General Assembly of New York, on the 5th 
day of February, 1774, passed resolutions wherein 
they called the Green Mountain Boys "the Benning- 
ton Mob," and recommended the passage of a law 
for their suppression and punishment. These pro- 
ceedings made it necessary to call a general meet- 
ing of all the committees, which meeting was held 
at a private house in Manchester, on the 1st day of 
March, 1774. At this meeting the inhabitants re- 
solved that while they were willing to encourage the 
execution of the laws, both civil and criminal, "that 
were so indeed," and that they should act only on 
the defensive, they would stand by and defend their 
friends and neighbors "at the expense of their lives 
and fortunes." 

On the 9th day of March, 1774, the Assembly of 
New York passed an act that struck the key note of 
rebellion. It provided that if any person should 
oppose any civil officer of New York, in the dis- 
charge of his duty, or wilfully distroy the grain, corn 
or hay of any other person, being in any enclosure ; 
or if any persons should assemble together, to the 
disturbance of the public peace, and demolish or 
pull down any building in the county of Albany or 
Charlotte, said offence should be deemed a felony, 
without benefit of clergy, and that the offender 
should suffer death. All crimes committed on the 
Grants were to be tried by the courts of Albany-, and 
said courts were empowered to award execution 



11) 

against such as should ho indicted for capital offen- 
ces, who should not surrender themselves, in the 
same manner as if they had been convicted on a 
fair and impartial trial ; and a reward of <£50 each 
was offered for the arrest of Ethan Allen, Setli War- 
ner, and six others. 

On the 26th day of April, 1774, Ethan Allen and 
six others made and signed a remonstrance, wherein 
they resolved to inflict immediate death on whoever 
might attempt to apprehend any person indicted as 
a rioter for the purpose of inflicting the death penal- 
ty', declaring that "Our lives, liberties and properties 
are as verily precious to us as to any of the king's 
subjects; but if the governmental authority of New 
York insists upon killing us to take possession of our 
vineyards, let them come on ; we are ready for a 
game of scalping with them, for our martial spirits 
glow witli bitter indignation and consummate fury, 
to blast their infernal projects." About this time an 
attempt was made by Col. Philip Skeene to erect 
the New Hampshire Grants into a separate govern- 
ment under Great Britain ; and it is said that his 
plan met with some favor on the part of the British 
government, and was probably instrumental in caus- 
ing; the Grants to declare themselves free and in- 
dependent, in 1777. 

Early in 1775 hostilities commenced between the 
Colonies and Great Britain, which overshadowed the 
controversy with New York, and the proscribed pat- 
riots of the New Hampshire Grants, with a bounty 



20 

upon their heads, entered into the conflict with no 
fear or expectation of defeat ; and on the tenth of 
May Ticonderoga and Crown Point were captured 
by Allen and Arnold. 

It has generally been claimed that the first blood 
shed in the American Revolution, was at lexington, 
Mass., April 19th, 1775; Imt Lexington has a rival. 
The first conflict between the constituted authorities 
of Great Britain and the American Colonies occurred 
on the New Hampshire Grants, and was followed 
up by successive engagements between the loyalists 
and the rebels till the close of the revolution. 

On the 5th day of September, 1774, Congress ad- 
vised the people of the Colonies to maintain their 
liberties in such ways as should be found necessary ; 
and the inhabitants of Cumberland county, for the 
purpose of resisting British tyranny and oppression, 
found it necessary to interfere with the holding of 
the court at Westminster, on the loth day of March, 
1775. On this occasion there was a desperate strug- 
gle on one side to maintain the authority of the 
British government, while on the other the liberties 
of the people were defended ; and the lines between 
the two contending parties were as distinctly drawn 
and understood as at any future time during the war. 
Firearms were used, one man killed, several wound- 
ed, and many taken prisoners. 

The battle of Lexington w^as fought within forty 
days from this time, and that of Bunker Hill within 
sixty days thereafter, against the same authority 



21 

ami in the saiuc cause. Had the war between the 
Colonies and Great Jiritain been coniinenced when 
tlie conlliet occurred at Westminster? If so, the 
first blood shed in the American Kevolution was 
within tlie jurisdiction of the New Hampshire Grants 
and previous to the l)att]e of Lexington. 

Patrick llenrv, after the light at Westminster and 
before that of Lexington, made the following state- 
ment which has never been disputed : "The war is 
actually begun ! The next gale that sweeps from 
from the north, will bring to our ears the clash of 
resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the 
held I Why stand we hei'e idle?" 

The light at Westminster was not a mob or a riot 
any more than was that of Lexington, but a deliber- 
ate resistance on the part of the people, to the gov- 
ernment of Great Britain, and the lirst attempt to 
defj', by an armed force, the authority of British 
rule. If the Kevolution was brought on by reason 
of the deiiance of laws made for the government of 
the Colonies, and a resistance to their execution by 
an armed force, we may justly claim that among the 
wilds of the New Hampshire Grants was shed the 
first blood in behalf of American liberty. 

From this time for nearly two years the inhabit- 
ants of the (Jrants were active in their opposition to 
British authority; and on the 15th day of January, 
1777, at a convention held in Westminster, they 
declared themselves to be "a separate, free and in- 
dependent jurisdiction or State ; by the name and for- 



22 

ever hereafter to be called, known and distinguished 
by the name of New Connecticut." On the 4th day 
of June, 1777, at a convention held in Windsor the 
name thus deliberately and formally given was 
abandoned, and the name of Vermont substituted. 
The reason given for making this change was, that 
a district of land on the Susquehanna river had been 
named New Connecticut, and it was claimed to be 
inconsistent for two districts on this continent to 
bear the same name. 

This brief but decisive Declaration of Independ- 
ence opened a new field for strife. The New York 
people were alarmed at the conduct of Vermont, 
and their committee of safety appealed to Congress, 
declaring it to be necessary that the commission of 
Col. Warner, who had been authorized to raise a 
regiment, be recalled ; that nothing else would do 
justice to New York. Certain persons of ability and 
influence were urging Vermont to maintain her 
independence, choose delegates to Congress, and 
form a State Constitution. One Thomas Young- 
printed and issued an address to the inhabitants of 
Vermont, urging them to be firm in their attempt 
to maintain the position they had assumed, assuring 
them that they had a right to choose how and by 
whom they should be governed. This address and 
other publications of a like nature were printed at 
Philadelphia, and the authorities of New York were 
much disturbed by their appearance. 



23 

One of tlio New York delegates presented the 
printed letter oi" 'IMioinas Yonng to Congress on the 
'2od day of June, 17V7. The entire suhjeet was ex- 
amined and discussed in coniniittee oithe whole, and 
on the oOth day of June resolutions Avere adopted 
dechiring "That the independent government at- 
tempted to he estahlished by the people styling 
themselves iuliahitants of the New Hampshire Grants, 
can derive no countenance or justification from the 
act of Contrress declaring the United Colonies to be 
independent of the crown of Great Britain, nor from 
anv othei' act or resolution of Congress; and that the 
petition of Jonas Fay, Thomas Chittenden, Iliram 
Allen and Heuhen Jones, praying that the district 
they represented might be ranked among the free 
and independent States, be dismissed." Although 
this action was favorable to New York, the Vermont- 
ers were still more confirmed in their determination 
to maintain their independence, if need be, against 
the whole world. 

Up to this time there had been no controversy 
between Vermont and New Hampshire. In fact 
New Hampshire had acknowledged the independ- 
ence of ^^M-mont through her President, Mr. Weare, 
in a letter to Ira Allen, Secretary of the State of 
\'ermont, wherein the New Hampshire Grants were \ 
designated as "a free and sovereign, but new State." 
By the use of this language it was supposed that 
New Hampshire would use her influence to have 
A'erniont recognized by Congress as an independent 



24 

State ; but there was really no tenable ground tor 
such a supposition. While it was understood that 
the easterly line of New York was by the Connecti- 
cut river, New Hampshire had no cause for com- 
plaint against Vermont for maintaining the same 
boundary The inhabitants on the east side of the 
river well knew that the east line of New York 
might have been extended to within sixt}^ miles of 
the sea with as much propriety as any of the lands 
more than twenty miles east of Hudson's river could 
be claimed by the government of New York. The 
inhabitants of Vermont were also aware that the 
unchartered territory between the river and the 
Province of New Hampshire, as granted to John 
Mason, did not belong to New Hampshire with any 
more certainty than did the territory west of the 
river ; and it was claimed that their declaration 
took effect on both sides of the river to such an ex- 
tent that all persons residing west of the Mason line 
and east of the river, were free to join such govern- 
ment as tlie>^ might desire, but more especiallj^ Ver- 
mont. These ideas were undoubtedly concocted 
and promulgated by the inhabitants west of the 
river and east of the Green Mountains, for the pur- 
pose of giving political strength to eastern Vermont, 
without any malicious intent to injure New Hamp- 
shire. The action taken on the part of the towns 
east of the river was remarkable. 

On the 12th of March, 1778, sixteen towns east of 
Connecticut river declared in convention that thev 



25 

were not connected willi aii\ State, and tlicrcnpon 
petitioned tlie State of \ ernioiit lor an opportunity 
to confederate with its inhabitants. This petition 
was presented to the Assembly of Vermont. The 
members from the west side of the mountains, as 
might have been expected, were strongly opposed 
to it, but those from the vicinity of Connecticut 
river generally favored the union, and were so per- 
sistent in their eflbrts to accomplish the object of 
their strife as to propose a withdrawal from Ver- 
mont and the erection of a new State, including 
territory on both sides of the river. The independ- 
ence of Vermont so recently and so unanimously 
promulgated to the world was now tlu'eatened with 
earW dissolution ; but it was found that a majority 
of the Assembly were not in favor of the annexation 
of any of the New Hampshire towns. This state of 
affairs caused some delay ; and when the matter was 
brought before the next meeting of the Assembly, it 
was asserted that the inhabitants of the towns ap- 
plying for annexation were nearly or quite unani- 
mous, and that the state of New Hampsliire would 
make no opposition. By means of these false rep- 
resentations, made by interested parties in both 
states, a vote of 37 to 12 was obtained in favor of 
the union ; and by resolution it was provided that 
any town east of Connecticut river might be admit- 
ted on sending a representative to the Assembly of 
Vermont. 



26 

This attempt to swallow up New Hampshire crea- 
ted dissatisfaction and alarm among the inhabitants. 
An appeal was made to the Governor of Vermont, 
and a minority of the sixteen seceding towns claim- 
ed protection from the state of New Hampshire. An 
effort was made to interest Congress in their behalf. 
Col. Ethan Allen, who had been sent to Philadel- 
phia for the purpose of solving this difficult problem, 
reported that Congress would not favor the union, 
but, in case it was abandoned, would not oppose the 
independence of Vermont. 

In October, 1778, representatives from ten towns 
east of the river took their seats in the Assembly of 
Vermont, and it was proposed to erect a new county, 
to be composed of the towns which had been admit- 
ted to a union with Vermont ; but this proposition 
was voted down, whereupon the members from the 
towns east of the river withdrew from the Assem- 
bly. Fifteen members from towns west of the river 
also withdrew, leaving just two thirds of the whole 
number, all of whom were required to be present 
for the transaction of business. The matter in rela- 
tion to the union with New Hampshire was referred 
to the next Assembly. 

Those who had withdrawn met in convention at 
Cornish, Dec. 9th, 1778, the towns on both sides of 
the river having been invited to send delegates. At 
this convention it was agreed to unite regardless of 
the boundaries established in 1764, and the conven- 
tion also consented that the whole territory compri- 



27 

sing the New Hampshire Grants might become one 
State as it was bountlcd j)revi()iis to that time. — 
Until something of this kind should be accomplished, 
they resolved to trust in Providence and defend 
themselves. The propositions put forth by this con- 
vention were such, if adopted, as to unite a part of 
New Hampshire with a part of Vermont, or to de- 
stroy the government of Vermont and unite the 
M'hole territory with New Hampshire. Had a State 
been thus formed, the Capitol would undoubtedly 
have been located near Connecticut river; but this 
dangerous experiment was avoided in a singular 
way, without detriment to either State. 

On the 12th da}' of February, 1779, the Assembly 
ot Vermont voted to dissolve the union with the 
towns of New Hampshire. This unreliable course 
on the part of Vermont had tlie effect to encourage 
the authorities of New Hampsliire, and cause them 
to claim the entire domain over which Wentworth 
exercised jurisdiction previous to 1764, and an ap- 
plication was made to Congress claiming the whole 
of Vermont. New York was awakened by these 
proceedings, and claimed the same territory. 

At this time it began to look as though Vermont 
would be divided between New York and New 
Hampshire; and her condition was now more criti- 
cal than at any previous pei'iod, for the reason that 
this controversy was a troublesome matter for Con- 
gress to deal with, and such a disposal of the terri- 
tory of Vermont as was urged and expected by some. 



28 

would destroy the State ; but, if the entire matter 
of jurisdiction could be forever settled thereby, such 
a result did not seem to be then improbable. 

Massachusetts also saw this glittering bait and 
put in her claim to a large portion of Vermont. 
Whether this was intentionally done on the part of 
Massachusetts to prevent the swallowing of Vermont 
in two parts, by two other states, or for some other 
purpose, is of but little consequence ; but it may be 
justly said that Vermont owes Massachusetts a vote 
of thanks for that act. It was evident that some- 
thing must be done forthwith, or civil war, 

"The child of niulice and revengeful hate," 

would cast its grim shadow over the territorj^ in 
dispute, to the nation's peril. 

The controversy with New York became intensi- 
fied on account of the attachment of sundry inlluen- 
tial persons, residing in Cumberland (now Windham) 
county, to that State, and their opposition to Ver- 
mont. They had boasted of their military strength, 
claiming that they had raised a regiment of 500 men 
who were opposed to Vermont and in favor of New 
York. Col. Ethan Allen was directed to engage a 
portion of the militia for the purpose of bringing 
these warlike demonstrations to a close, whereupon 
Col. Patterson of New York, sought the advice of 
Gov. Clinton as to holding the militia of xllbany in 
readiness for any emergency, and suggested the 
propriety of employing the enemies of Vermont in 



20 

each town as spies. Tlie Governor became uneasy 
and wrote to the President of Congress, stating that 
he was daily expecting to order out a force to resist 
the troops commanded by Allen. On the 29th day 
of May, 1779, Congress referred the matter to a 
committee of the whole, and on the first day of 
June, by resolution, provision was made for a com- 
mission to settle all matters in dispute. 

There were now four different claims submitted to 
Congress, to a tract of country, the inhabitants of 
which had been recently united under a Declaration 
of Independence, but were now at war with them- 
selves and all the rest of mankind. On the 24th day 
of Sept., 1779, Congress passed a resolve recom- 
mending that New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, 
and New York, "forthwith pass laws expressly au- 
thoriziuii; Conycress to hear and determine all dill'er- 
ences between them relative to their respective 
boundaries." It was also resolved that "in the opin- 
ion of Congress the three States aforementioned ought 
in the mean time to suspend executing their laws 
over any of the inhabitants of said district, except 
such of them as shall profess allegiance to, and con- 
fess the jurisdiction of the same respectively." 

There being numerous persons in Vermont who 
adhered to all these States,, this resolution, if carried 
out, would establish four governments over the 
people of Vermont. To have that number of sepa- 
rate jurisdictions operating at the same time over 
the same territory, after the people had assumed the 



30 

functions of a State government, declared themselves 
free and independent, framed and adopted their con- 
stitution, enacted a code of laws and erected courts 
of justice, was a novel state of afiairs from which no 
government outside of the New Hampshire Grants 
would ever expect to escape and be again identified 
by friend or foe. 

On the second day of June, 1780, Congress passed 
a resolve declaring that the inhabitants of the New 
Hampshire Grants had pursued an unwarrantable 
course, subversive of the welfare of the United States 
and requiring them to exercise no further authority, 
civil or military, over those professing allegiance to 
the other states. To this resolution the Governor 
and Council made reply, asserting the independence 
of Vermont, and claiming that Congress had no 
right to meddle with their jurisdiction, as they were 
not included among the thirteen United States, but 
were at liberty to declare war or peace with Great 
Britain, without asking permission ; but so long as 
Congress declined to recognize Vermont in her in- 
dependence, they had no interest to fight Great 
Britain for the purpose of defending a frontier for 
the benefit of the United States, but that they were 
willing once more to ofi'er a union with the United 
States of America. 

Congress seemed inclined to entertain this propo- 
sition, while New Hampshire and New York put in 
their claims that Vermont was not entitled to inde- 
pendence, but belonged to them. Vermont claimed 



31 

;i heaiiiii:", and was notif'K'd to a])pear on the lOtli 
day of Sept., 17S0, but her rej)iesentatives Avei e not 
aHowed to be heard, whereupon on the 22d day of 
Sept. they filed a remonstrance to the proceedings 
as the3' were being carried on, and declared that if 
such was to be the manner of treatment on the part 
of Congress, they were "ready to appeal to God and 
the world, who must l)e accountable for the awful 
consequences that may ensue." The contending 
parties were so much exasperated as to suggest an 
alliance with Great Britain in case their rights were 
not respected. There was danger in this suggestion, 
but in order to obtain a decision in favor of Vermont, 
it was important to show^ that her military power 
would be of some value to the United States, and 
not be absorbed in contentions with other States. 
There was no time lost by either of the States in 
making reasonable and unreasonable efforts in their 
ow^n behalf. 

It was soon discovered that the inhabitants in 
most of the towns in western New Hampshire were 
desirous of being annexed to Vermont, who now^ 
proposed to take up the weapt)ns used by her oppo- 
nents, to wit, the claiming of jurisdiction. There- 
upon a convention was held at Charlestown, N. H., 
Jan. IGth, 17S1, and 4o towns in western New 
Hampshire were represented therein, a large major- 
ity being in favor of forming anothei- union with 
Vermont; and a connnittee was appointed to con- 
sider the matter and report. On the 10th day of 



32 

February the assembly of Vermont, sitting at Wind- 
sor, received information from the committee that 
the convention of the New Hampshire towns "was 
desirous of being united with Vermont in one sepa- 
rate, independent government, upon such principles 
as should be mutually thought the most equitable 
and beneficial to the whole." On the 14th day of 
February, the Assembly of Vermont resolved to lay 
"a jurisdictional claim to all the lands whatever, east 
of Connecticut river north of Massachusetts, west of 
the Mason line and south of forty-five degrees north 
latitude." The convention of the New Hampshire 
towns, then in session at Cornish on the opposite 
side of the river, agreed upon a union on the 22d 
day of February; and the Assembly of Vermont re- 
solved that the union, thus confirmed, should be 
held sacred. New York by this time began to dis- 
cover that the frontier needed defence, and the in- 
habitants adjacent to Vermont petitioned the Assem- 
bly of that State for protection. 

Upon this petition the Assembly of Vermont re- 
solved to "lay a jurisdictional claim to all the land 
situate north of the north line of the state of Massa- 
chusetts, extending the same to Hudson's river ; the 
east of the center of the deepest channel of said 
river, to the head thereof; from thence east of a 
north line, being extended to latitude 45 degrees ; 
and south of the same line, including all the lands 
and waters to the place where this State exercises 
jurisdiction." In each of these unions jurisdiction 



was not to he exerciscMl lor the tiiiR' being; Imt pe- 
titions were* soon received from tlie inliJihitants of* 
New York praying that W*rniont might exercise 
jurisdiction without further dehiy. These hist un- 
ions were more remarkable than any former ellbrt in 
that direction, being accomplished while New York 
and New Hampshire were using every eflbrt in their 
power to extend their claims over the whole terri- 
tory of Vermont. 

When New Hampshire, New York and Massachu- 
setts, were seeking to absorb the territory of Ver- 
mont, there was little or no sympathy manifested 
for either state outside of its own limits ; but when 
Vermont turned the tables upon all of them, by hi}^- 
ing chiim to a large portion of New Hampshire and 
New York, its policy, though aggressive, met with 
so much favor that 35 towns in western New Hamp- 
shire and 10 districts in eastern New York, were 
represented in the Assembly of Vermont, June 16th, 
1781. 

On the 2()tli day of August Congress passed a re- 
solve setting forth that the people inhabiting the 
territory called Vermont, as preliminary to their 
admissioji into the federal union, should relinquish 
all demands or claims of jurisdiction on the east side 
of the west bank of Connecticut river, and also its 
claim west of a line 20 miles east of Hudson's river. 

In October the Assembly of Vermont convened at 
Charlestown, N. H., and the resolve of Congress was 
presented and rejected on the ground that it would 



L.ofC. 



34 

become necessary to break faith with New Hamp- 
shire in order to comply with the provision of Con- 
gress, Vermont, however, expressed a willingness 
to submit the boundary question to a commission. 

New York became thoroughly frightened by the 
proceedings of Congress, and its Legislature claimed 
that that body had no right to intermeddle with 
matters of jurisdiction except in cases of dispute be- 
tween two states already in the union, nor to admit 
even a British colony, except Canada, without the 
consent of nine states, nor to create a new state by 
dismembering one of the thirteen United States, 
without unanimous consent of the invaded state ; 
and against all such procedure they entered. a sol- 
emn protest. At this time Gov. Chittenden opened 
correspondence with Gen. Washington, claiming that 
Vermont had been driven to desperation by the in- 
justice of those who should have been her friends. 
This correspondence was interrupted by the appear- 
ance of new and more threatening danger. 

The Sheriff of ii. New Hampshire county which 
had been admitted to a union with Vermont, in- 
formed Gov. Chittenden that New Hampshire was 
preparing to compel those who had formed a union 
with Vermont, to conform to the authority of New 
Hampshire. While this excitement was at fever 
heat, the authorities of New York were trying to 
sujDpress what they called an insurection among the 
citizens who had united with Vermont. This new 
feature in pu))lic affairs made lively work for the 



35 

inliabittuits of the New Ihiiiipsliiro Grants, and at 
one time it looked as tliouLL-li Vermont mi'dit have 
its lite sijueezed out between New llami^shire and 
New York. They were all badly frightened at the 
prospect of civil war, but their relations with Great 
Britain furnished an outlet for their belligerent ten- 
dencies till better judgment overruled the passions 
of the hour. 

The Commander-in-chief of the American army 
was much troubled by the contest between these 
states, and on the 1st day of Januarj^ 1782, he re- 
plied to Gov. Chittenden, advising Vermont to con- 
fine its jurisdic'tioii to its old limits, and thereby 
obtain an aekiiowJedgnuMit of independence by vir- 
tue of the resolutioji of the 20th of August, 1781. 

In February, 1782, the Assembly of Vermont met 
at lienniuL'ton, and the letter of Gen. Washinoton 
was there presented, and it was agreed to comply 
with his suggestion, whereupon the Assembly resol- 
ved. "That the forei>ointi; reconnnendation be com- 
plied with, and that the west banks of Connecticut 
river, and a line bei>;innin«; at the northwest corner 
of the State of Massachusetts ; from thence north- 
ward twenty miles east of Hudson's river, as specified / 
in the resolutions of Congress in August last, be con- 
sidered as the east and west boundaries of this State. \ 
That this Assembly do hereby relin((uish all claims 
and demands to, and rights of jurisdiction in and 
over any and every district of territory Avithout said 
boundary lines." 



36 

The delicacy about encroaching upon the good 
faith of New Hampshire had been forgotten by Ver- 
mont, and the eastern union, which she had declared 
should be held sacred, was dissolved in a suunnary 
manner ; and by a like process the western union 
was also terminated. 

Vermont having thus complied with the resolves 
of Congress, proceeded to take measures for her ad- 
mission into the union of states. The application 
was refused, and the people of Vermont began to 
suspect that Congress was not inclined to deal with 
them as had been intimated ; but they continued to 
appoint agents to perfect arrangements for admis- 
sion. Congress withdrew the continental troops, 
leaving the frontier exposed to the encroachments 
of the enemy. Vermont thus shorn of much of her 
political power, and essentially weakened in her 
means of defence, so long as she should exist outside 
of the Federal Government, still continued to assert 
her independence by declaring that she had as good 
' a right to the same as Congress, and as much au- 
thority to pass resolutions j^rescribing measures to 
Congress as Congress had to give directions to her. 

Some of the enemies of Vermont had been ban- 
ished and their estates confiscated ; and Congress 
demanded that full restoration should be made be- 
fore the state could Ijc admitted. New York was 
using every effort to keep Vermont out of the 
union, and the controversy between these three pow- 
ers continued till October 2Sth, 1790, when the As- 



seinbly of A'oriuoiit, imdor advice of coininissioiiers 
iVoiu l.otli the state.s agreed to pay $30,000 to New 
York in settlement of all matters between them in 
relation to boundary lines; and Vermont was ad- 
mitted as a State, Feb. 18tli, 1701., at which time 
all controversy with New Hampshire, New York and 
Massachusetts, was brought to a close. 

Such has been the history of the unions, secessions 
and disunions of New Hampshire and Vermont, in 
early times. It may be easy to criticise New Hamp- 
shire for the part she took in furnishing material for 
this history. We may claim that Gov. AYentworth 
was a trespasser and a swindler; but if such was the 
fact, M'hat shall we sav of those who bouuht and 
paid for their lands in good faith, with a view to 
make themselves homes, establish institutions of 
learning, and receive further light in civilization ? 
Are they to be censured for forming unions with a 
friendly ally, without reference to jurisdiction or 
boundary lines, when an unrelenting enemy with 
tomahawk and scalping knife in hand, stood ready 
to invade their peaceful liresides? If they met in 
secret conclave or open convention, resolving to do 
a work which they were unable to perform, are they 
to be looked upon with contempt for changing their 
course, their resolution, or their vote? Are tliej^ to 
be blamed for dissolving an unsatisfactory union and 
and forming another more complete and beneficial ? 

I might set forth in detail the action of the several 
towns on both sides of the river in relation to these 



38 

unions, and delineate some of the scenes and per- 
sonal encounters of those stirring times ; but none 
of them, nor all combined, would change your opin- 
ion in relation to the honor and fidelity of the early 
patriots of New Hampshire. Without means of 
ready communication, liable to be surprised at any 
moment, day or night, by an uncivilized and dan- 
gerous foe, their willingness to unite with their 
friends and neighbors for the common defence was 
a virtue not to be despised ; and tlie struggles they 
endured in behalf of their families, their homes and 
firesides, were not prompted by a spirit of invasion, 
nor the allurements of conquest. 

After the dissolution of the eastern and western 
unions, in 1782, New Hampshire took but little in- 
terest in what transpired between New York and 
Vermont, or between both those states and Congress. 
This was not an unnatural course to pursue, for she 
had acquired an extensive territory not included in 
the grant to John Mason, which defined the actual 
territory of New Hampshire. Nor is there anything 
connected with the entire history of the New Hamp- 
shire Grants beyond the comprehension of an intel- 
ligent mind, or that could not be satisfactorially ex- 
plained and accounted for, would time permit. Had 
New Hampshire been settled exclusively by the 
English as far west as the Connecticut river, Ver- 
mont by natives of Massachusetts and Connecticut, 
and New York by the Dutch, the unions, secessions 
and disunions, now seeming so peculiar to the local 



39 

liistorian, would novcr have occurred ; and whoever 
traces out the «;'cneah)uy of the races who inhabited 
this territory previous to 1780, will find a key to all 
the strange problems with wliich the historian has 
been perplexed. 

It is true that the inhabitants of the New Hamp- 
shire Grants were a peculiar people. They were 
adventurers, seeking homes in the wilderness, sur- 
rounded by hostile and warlike tribes who sought to 
overwhelm and destroy the unprotected colony. 
They acknowledged no superior authority, except 
God, the king, and the Continental Congress. They 
enjoyed freedom of speech, an uncontaminated at- 
mosphere, and ])]enty of hard work. They erected 
their rude dwellings, churches and school houses, 
subdued the forests, and planted the germ of a high- 
er civilization. Tlie sunlight that had gilded the 
mountain tops through the lingering decades of un- 
recorded ages responded to the march of improve- 
ment, and the vallevs were made to blossom like 
the rose. Their integrity, their honorable bearing 
towards all men, their brave conduct in times of 
peril, their hdelity to the most complete liberty of 
mind and conscience, together with an unfaltering- 
faith in energy, perseverance and self reliance, made 
them a terror to ;ill tyrants, and champions of the 
highest type of freedom. 

No settlement was ever made on the habitable 
globe by a more stern and conscientious race than 
were the rustic pioneers who established their homes 



40 

within the jurisdiction of the New Hampshire Grants. 
Many of tliem had before been familiar with pioneer 
life, earning day by day their scanty meal and home- 
spun raiment, — destitute of every luxury except a 
clear conscience, and willing to spend their lives for 
the benefit of religious freedom, liberal education 
and good morals. They were quick to resent an 
injury, but ready to repair a wrong; and sometimes, 
with slight cause, they entered the arena of strife in 
behalf of state or country; and the daring deeds 
they performed at Ticonderoga and Bennington, 
give a peculiar charm to American history. 

Whether they espoused the cause of New Hamp- 
shire, Vermont or Massachusetts, let the annals of 
a great empire continue to glow with the recorded 
valor of these illustrious men. 




Dec %^lQOi 



DEC 18 1901 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




014 042 983 1 



S^ft 



